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Shibboleth authentication is only available to registered institutions. Cookies help us deliver our services. By using our services, you agree to our use of cookies. Learn more. I agree. U neoapsolutističkom razdoblju, poznatome i kao Bachov apsolutizam, koje je potrajalo gotovo punih deset godina, mogu se pronaći početci pravaštva. Ante Starčević: u povodu Starčević created Croatian radical national integration ideology and founded Party of Right. He was the most important member of that party and throughout his life he used all his intellectual and other capabilities in the struggle for united, free, sovereign and independent Croatia. This struggle was directed primarily against Austria and Hungary, but also against all other who wanted to rule over Croatia. Starčević based his political activities mostly on the historical Croatian right to achieve their state, but he also accepted the natural right of all nations to achieve self-determination and to create their own national state. For Starčević an independent national state, in this case a Croatian one, was a basis for the development of spirit of a nation. Through its independent state a nation achieves its creative spirit and its and its creative strength and capabilities. Price: 4. Unlike the period before , when a small circle of likeminded men had gathered around A. Starčević and E. Kvaternik, in the new circumstances the Rightist ideas spread broadly and grew into the basis of a nationalist movement. Representing the programme of an independent Croatian state outside of the Habsburg Monarchy even after , the leaders of the Party of Right vehemently criticized the conditions created in Croatia by the constitutional agreement with Budapest and the opportunism and weakness of first the Mažuranić government, and then the government of Ladislav Pejačević. A steadily growing number of almost all of the disaffected from all strata in Croatian society gathered under the umbrella of the Party of Right. The elections to the Croatian Parliament in , , and , which were all conducted in the face of open intimidation by the ruling regime, clearly showed the strength of the Rightist movement, as well as its tactics during the repressive rule of Ban Khuen Archival sources, the political press both official and opposition , which is related to the pre-election activities, and the results of the elections offers a variety of data which contributes to a more complete picture of the Rightist movement. This paper will present, in chronological order, the results of analysis of sources which show the territorial extent the gradual spread of Rightist influence throughout Civil Croatia and the former Military Frontier and professional structure of the leadership of the Party of Right, that is, the representatives sent to the Croatian Parliament during the s. Price: 5. At the head of the politically disaffected, those who tended to be especially oriented toward Croatian nationalism and Rightist ideas, was first and foremost Don Mihovil Pavlinović, and after his death in , Don Juraj Biankini. At the end of the s and the beginning of the s, several conflicts broke out among the members of the National Party which led to a change in its name to the National Croatian Party in and even to a split in the party in Disappointed by a lack of success in economic and political affairs a group of National Party representatives led by Biankini decided to break from the Representative Club of the old National Croatian Party and form their own club, the Croat Club. At the beginning of the s a process began in Dalmatia whereby all the Rightists and the Rightist oriented groups began to unify into a united Party of Right. The main instigators of the process were Don Ivo Prodan, who led the religious- Rightist grouping, and Dr. Ante Trumbić and Frano Supilo, who led the liberal Rightist grouping. The President of the Croat Club, J. Kazimir Ljubić, became the first president of the newly established Dalmatian Party of Right. Price: 3. It was framed in terms of the reality of the so-called Eastern Question in the second half of the 19th century, and as a key component of the Rightist concept of a multi-religious Croatian nation. Starčević, who in his writings on the complexity of the Eastern Question compared the demonization of Islam and the Ottoman state in the ideology of Croatian Yugoslavism with the moral and social bases of Islamic teaching as well as an idealized view of the Bosnian Muslim aristocracy and the main Ottoman social and legalpolitical institutions. Frank and his Pure Party of Right held the same attitude toward Islam and the Muslims because in religious and cultural matters they faithfully followed the original Rightist liberal programme, taking a stand against religious exclusivism, the conflation of religion and nationality, and a politics founded upon confessional principles. Rightist liberal nationalism freed of all confessional ingredients magnetically drew the first post-Ottoman Bosnian Muslim intellectual generation infused with the ideal of harmonizing Islamic traditions and the main currents of modernism. Jedan pogled na gospodarsku aktivnost pravaških vođa od The article divides the economic management of the Party of Right into three time periods: 1. Kvaternik writes his well known work Hrvatski glavničar Croatian Capitalist which points to the necessity of creating domestic capital and stimulating its growth with a stock exchange. His ideas did not find fertile ground because the members of the party did not recognize their importance. Until , F. Folnegović was the most important individual in the party concerned with economic matters. His efforts enabled the publication of official party organs and the construction of the Starčević Dom Starčević House. Frank joined the Party of Right. Even though he never established a particular economic programme for strengthening the Pure Party of Right, he can largely be credited for the fact that the coffers of the Party began to receive important contributions which he invested into party activities, but which he also used to initiate the development of industry and banking for e. During the term of P. Rauch as Ban, work was begun on establishing a Department of Economy for the Land Government, which in resulted in the creation of the fourth branch of this government, the Department of National Economy, which, even if it came too late, changed the very nature of the Croat-Hungarian Agreement. The appearance of new leaders in the party J. Frank and his collaborators and the gradual departure of the older generation, above all A. Starčević, brought about certain changes in the tactics of the Rightists. Modern Rightism certainly transformed its approach, but not in a negative sense. Its proponents accepted modernization in the political field, and tailored their political tactics to developments in Austria-Hungary. Political modernization meant setting up an organized party structure and accepting the challenges posed by the democratization of the political system. This set in motion a reciprocal process, because while democratization created the possibility for mass parties, the creation of such a party also necessitated good organization administration, programme, statutory documents, membership, regular financial support, promotion, a network of associations, etc. Nevertheless, adherents of modern Rightism remained faithful to the traditions of Rightist ideology established on the basis of furthering Croatian State Right and Croatian national identity. Modern Rightists mostly followers of J. Frank, or Frankists , supported the solution of the Croatian national question within the Habsburg Monarchy, because they estimated that within its framework they could realize specific political aims and enable the economic development of Croatia. This duality did not develop into overt antagonism while the members of the National Party and the adherents of Starčević represented the opposing sides, but the antagonism becomes very apparent — and consequently fateful — from the time of the various fissures in the Rightist ranks. The antagonism in Croatian political ideology can be illustrated by comparing the ideological positions and political programmes of F. Supilo, a former Rightist, and J. Frank, a consistent, even if a somewhat radicalized and calculating Rightist. Their personal clash and the opposing quality of their respective ideologies culminated in the context of the promulgation of the Rijeka Resolution and the creation of the Croato-Serb Coalition. This review article begins by outlining the situation on the Croatian political scene in order to emphasize the unique quality of the political and ideological clash between Supilo and Frank. The article ends by presenting some conclusions which should help in understanding Croatian political and ideological antagonisms in the era that followed and which are still apparent today. Conrad von Hotzendorf. From them one can observe the political activity of not only Frank and his colleagues, but also about their political opponents. Drašković, who were also in contact with him. Doprinos vrhbosanskog nadbiskupa dr. Josipa Stadlera djelovanju Stranke prava u Bosni i Hercegovini tijekom Prvoga svjetskog rata Doprinos vrhbosanskog nadbiskupa dr. There never was an exclusively Rightist party formed in Bosnia and Hercegovina, despite the fact that some of the key Rightist platforms were included in the programme of the Croat National Community established in and the Croat Catholic Association founded in The final meeting of the leadership of the united Party of Right in Opatija in March , where one of the most important issues raised was the attitude to the First Balkan War, was attended by members of the Administrative Board from Bosnia and Hercegovina, including the Sarajevo lawyers Nikola Mandić and Jozo Sunarić, the architect Josip Vancaš, while among those who sent their regrets were one of the founders of the Muslim Progressive Party , Ademaga Mešić, Archbishop Josip Stadler, and others. Archbishop Stadler, however, was not in fact a member of the Administrative Board but one of the founders of Rightist activity and a key organizer in Bosnia and Hercegovina, even though due to his position as a Church dignitary he could not compromise himself among the leaders of political parties. He accepted the Rightist programme of which contained the aim of attaching Bosnia and Hercegovina to Croatia, Slavonia, and Dalmatia. Politika i sudbina: dr. Ivo Pilar i njegova borba za samostojnost hrvatskog naroda Politika i sudbina: dr. Ivo Pilar i njegova borba za samostojnost hrvatskog naroda Politics and Fate : Dr. Ivo Pilar was born in Zagreb, where he also died in unclear circumstances. He completed legal studies in Vienna. From on, he owned a law firm, first in Tuzla, then in Zagreb. Even in his younger days, he evinced an interest in the problem of artistic creation in a broader social context Secession. As a political and politically engaged publicist, he wrote in German and Croatian, often using a pseudonym Dr. Juričić, L. In his political activities and writings he strove for the best solution to guarantee the national existence of the Croats within the Central European geopolitical space. In the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, Pilar became a persona non grata due to his political beliefs and was legally persecuted During the next decade he maintained secret contacts with the most important Croatian politicians. His violent death brought to an end not only his surreptitious political work, but also his scholarly and theoretical studies. Matoš was certainly among the first in that he wrote the most about Rightist ideas — and especially A. Matoš always wrote about A. He was an individual who combined within himself a belief in the Catholic Church and a great dedication to the struggle of the Croat people for independence. Starčević, M. Starčević, J. Frank, etc. Because of his political activities, Tomac was constantly in conflict with the ruling authorities, first with those of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and later with those of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, which led on two occasions to his incarceration. Despite all tribulations, Tomac remained committed to his political beliefs until the end of his life. Nevertheless, important differences existed among them, thus even public interpretations of Starčevićism were quite different. In this regard, Dr. Buć and his circle of likeminded followers stand out. They soon came into conflict with the majority of Croatian nationalists. In this period, the group supporting A.

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